FUTURESE
The American Language in 3000 AD
FOREWORD
Predicting the future of the English language is rather easy, in
the short term. The odds are, over the next few decades its
New World dialects are going to gain increasing global dominance,
accelerating the demise of thousands of less fortunate languages but
at long last allowing a single advertisement to reach everybody in
the world. Then after a century or two of US dominance some
other geopolitical grouping will gain the ascendancy, everyone will
learn Chechen or Patagonian or whatever it is, and history will
continue as usual. Ho hum. But apart from that...
what might the language actually look like in a thousand years
time? For comparison, the English spoken at the turn of the
last millennium looked like this:
| 1000 AD: |
Wé cildra biddaþ þé,
éalá láréow,
þæt þú taéce ús
sprecan rihte, forþám ungelaérede
wé sindon, and gewæmmodlíce
we sprecaþ... |
| 2000 AD: |
We children beg you, teacher, that you should teach us to
speak correctly, because we are ignorant and we speak
corruptly... |
(From the Colloquy of Aelfric.) So how far will another
thousand years take it? I've already got pages about
time travel and
languages in SF, plus a
conlang of no very specific origin; this
addition, vaguely inspired by the precognitive Darwinism of Dougal
Dixon's "After Man: A Zoology of the Future",
should fit in nicely. It has also now acquired a companion
page titled Pleistocenese.
LANGUAGE SF - Futurese Bibliography
Before I start developing a "future history" of my own
I'll run through a quick survey of the existing literature.
It's a bit sparse, though, since academic linguists know better than
to try, and nobody else has ever shown much interest - except
of course the supporters of language-planning projects like
Esperanto or Basic English, which are a bit off-topic (though they
did inspire George Orwell to produce one famous vision of the
language of tomorrow). Most genre Science Fiction ignores
linguistic barriers between centuries just as it does all the other
kinds - reasonably enough, since they get in the way of the
plot - but a handful of stories can be picked out as featuring
representations of "Futurese":
- Next Year's Slang
- Most works of SF feature at least a few neologisms, slang terms
for cyborgs or the like, but few authors take it to the extreme of
writing the whole novel in argot, as Anthony Burgess did for
"A Clockwork Orange" ("viddy this, my
droogs") - and even he didn't introduce any grammar or
pronunciation shifts to go with the new "Nadsat"
vocabulary items. Heinlein took a more reader-friendly
approach for the Loonie dialect in "The Moon is a Harsh
Mistress"; it gives a good impression of being slangy and
futuristic, but when you stop and look at it there's nothing there
but a few loanwords and telegraphese mannerisms.
- Post-Holocaust Vowel Mutations
- Apocalytic futures and lost-colony-world settings are often
studded with suspiciously familiar words (forbidden deserts named
Neorksiti and the like) - which always leaves me
uncomfortably aware that vowels have a short halflife compared
to radioactive wastelands. Hoban's "Riddley
Walker" deserves a mention as another SF novel written
entirely in an imaginary dialect; this time it's a more generally
mangled form of post-nuke English, though it's still closer to the
modern standard language than plenty of books written in real UK
dialects!
- Galactic Empires
- Space Opera yarns occasionally mention that everybody is
speaking a remote descendant of English, called either (for some
reason) "Anglic" or less often something like
"Galanglic" or "Galach". The name tends
to be as much as we learn, unless the footnote is bulked out with
a claim that some other present-day language contributed a lot of
vocabulary items - Russian, Spanish and Japanese being popular
choices.
- Time Travel
- David Masson's short story "The Transfinite Choice"
is the only one I can think of where the temporal language
barrier is illustrated with a few sentences of vaguely credible
future (British!) English - for instance, the displaced hero
is referred to as an undrowda.
LANGUAGE CHANGE - Progress And Decay
Let me get one thing clear: there's nothing wrong with languages
changing over time.
When looking at a biological "family tree" (such as the
evolutionary history of the horse), the general public insists on
seeing any movement as intrinsically "progressive", moving
from "primitive" to "advanced" designs.
Yet somehow when looking at the linguistic equivalent (such as the
development of the Romance languages from Vulgar Latin) they see
exactly the reverse - any change is proof that the language is
in decline. In reality they're just as wrong both times!
The attitude is perfectly understandable; membership of a
linguistic community is an important social marker, so people often
get neurotic about the way they speak, and cling to the security
blanket of vaguely remembered schoolroom mandates, despising those
barbarians who split infinitives or mispronounce
"shibboleth". Ironically, it's this same
group-membership effect that's responsible for many of the changes
(see below), but the degeneration the purists warn
against is an imaginary danger anyway. English has gone from
being a minor Germanic tongue on Europe's fringe, with a vestigial
system of inflections signposting case, mood, gender and so on, to
being a much more weakly inflected language dominating the global
landscape. Every step of the way, old fogeys moaned that it
was going to the dogs; but although the noun-gender system of Old
English has crumbled away entirely, it turns out not to have been a
structural support in the first place... and the simplifications
have been balanced by increased complexity in other places, such as
in the sheer size of the vocabulary.
Changes can occur in every aspect of a language:
- Vocabulary
- Words can be lost or shift their meanings, and new ones can be
derived from a variety of mechanisms. I could fill a couple
of extra paragraphs with examples of borrowings, acronyms and the
like, but it would be a waste of effort if you already grok the
way common parlance can be groovy one year and naff the next.
- Grammar
- Or in strict linguistics-jargon terms, morphology
(word-building) and syntax (word-arranging), which manage the
Escheresque trick of getting simpler and simpler until they end up
just as complicated as ever - on the one hand
"whom" becomes "who", but on the other new
constructions arise like "y'all ain' gonna-hafta".
- Sounds
- You'll be aware of individual words that have two alternative
pronunciations, one of them "proper" but endangered and
the other "wrong" but spreading (such as
"etcetera" vs "excetera"); but in fact
the most significant changes are the ones that happen to
particular sounds right through the dictionary, like dropping
aitches or lengthening stressed syllables.
These different types of language change don't happen in
isolation - the blurring of word-final sounds erodes
grammatical features, the development of new ways of stringing
syllables together triggers shifts in pronunciation, and so
on. Nevertheless, my futurological efforts will be based
purely on projected sound changes, since they tend to be
astonishingly regular and thus offer the easiest opportunities for
mock-ups of Futurese.
LANGUAGE TRENDS - Causes And Effects
There's a widespread popular assumption that modern technology
(gramophones, cinema, CNN etc) will stop languages changing in the
new millennium, because these days everybody knows what everybody
else's accent sounds like. But accents such as Cockney never
did arise because working class Londoners were unaware of how
the aristos talked. They knew perfectly well; but it wasn't
the accent they grew up with, and there was no reason to want to
imitate it when their own accent was a badge of solidarity with
their peer-group. Nothing has happened to reduce the allure of
a distinctive way of speaking as a badge of in-group membership; and
the more positively people identify with some particular accent, the
more likely that high-status speech variety is to drift, as social
climbers refine their vowels while the native speakers react to
being imitated by innovating further. Linguists studying
modern "Network English" find that it has several regional
subvarieties, which are diverging rather than converging.
That's not to say that technology has no effects. For a
start, when the global media bring linguistic communities into
contact with one another, that can have all sorts of unforeseeable
results - for instance, we loaned the Japanese the words
"walk" and "man", and got them back
compounded. The opportunities for interactions like that will
inevitably increase as the number of non-native speakers of English
continues to rise.
Over the centuries, language change has been affected in various
minor ways by innovations such as the printing press (there were no
spelling-based pronunciations such as "almond"-with-an-L
until there were misleading standard spellings), and of course
Chaucer didn't have a word for "helicopter". It's
easy to imagine other technological developments that might have
further-reaching effects in the future:
- Once the rich and powerful routinely live centuries, the split
between conservative formal English and slangy colloquial English
could get absurdly wide.
- If twenty-third century computer geeks have cybernetic implants
to let them offload cognitive processes to specialised hardware,
new slang possibilities arise such as inhumanly complex versions
of "rot-13ed Pig Latin".
- In a "world state" with an anglophone bureaucracy of
artificial intelligences, ANSI-standard English could function as
a sort of unnaturally preserved lingua franca even if the human
native speakers died out.
I'm going to have to ignore such possibilities here - not
only because they raise questions about the real likelihood of
3000 AD Earth being inhabited by hominids that still bring
their young up to speak a traditional wild-grown language but also
because they don't make the language's future form any more
predictable.
On the other hand, some factors do show long-term directional
influences. An obvious one is ease of use: people won't bother
saying "omnibus" when "bus" will do, or
"environment" when their friends are getting away with
"emviromment". But another factor is that the
language has to work as a language; any change that impedes
communication spurs the development of workarounds - so, for
instance, people who pronounce "pen" and "pin"
indistinguishably soon start talking about "ink
pens". And a third, less obvious influence is ease of
learning. Children forming their initial mental model of how
English works don't want to believe it's a mess of random idioms;
any regularities they notice (like "past tenses end in
-ED") are extended by analogy as far as their peers will let
them ("bended"). All these consistent
"trends" in language change make prediction more feasible,
or at any rate, less obviously hopeless.
Nonetheless, futurology is a mug's
game, and I don't expect my "predictions" to come
true. My methodology consists of nothing more rigorous than
applying some of the kinds of changes that are commonly seen in
historical linguistics and seeing what further development patterns
they suggest; it's just a bit of fun, intended to dramatise the way
things might plausibly end up if things go on the way they always
have.
ADDENDUM
I've mentioned the two commonest misconceptions about language
change - that it's a bad thing, and that it has stopped; but a
few other odd assumptions seem to be more widespread than I'd
realised, so perhaps I'd better deal with them here so I can avoid
doing it in e-mail.
- "It's changes in vocabulary that matter"
- Monoglots often seem to think of languages as consisting of
wordlists and nothing else! Slang does serve as one of the
most obvious markers of variation; but this is a superficial kind
of change, often reversed a decade later, and rarely extending to
the core vocabulary. Meanwhile, shifts in vowel-sounds or
verb-endings attract less attention, but they're cumulative and
systematic; and it's these, not the vocabulary churn, that make
1000 AD English unintelligible.
- "All changes can be traced back to the influence of other
languages."
- After the Norman Conquest, the eclipse of English as a standard
language made it easy for dialectal variant forms to get
established, but apart from a transfusion of loanwords, the
changes themselves were things that had already been going on
before the French-speakers turned up. Grammatical
"cross-contamination" between neighbouring languages is
the exception rather than the rule. Indeed, it's rare for
changes to have obvious "causes" at all.
- "English is a pidgin."
- No, pidgins arise as grammarless codes for rough-and-ready
communication between people who have no language in common.
If it has native speakers, it isn't a pidgin! English isn't
even a "creole", the kind of language that's formed when
a pidgin becomes a mother-tongue. However, the trace of
truth in this myth is that being used as an auxiliary language
often seems to trigger languages to become more
"streamlined".
I'm hoping not to turn this section into a "Langage Change
Myths FAQ" - that would be a lifetime's work, and nowhere
near as interesting to read as
Snopes!
INTERMISSION - Notation And Terminology
I've delayed defining some of this glossary stuff in the hope of
suckering people into reading this far, but if you want to follow
the next few sections it's important to understand the difference
between...
- Standard Orthography: <sample>
- Angle-brackets enclose examples of words written as they are
currently spelled. I imagine by 2200 nobody will be writing
<anaesthetise> the same way as I do, but
spelling reform is not the topic
here (and nor is the kind of so-called "bad grammar"
that's really just non-standard spelling and punctuation).
- Phonetic transcriptions:
['sa~:mpl<vel>-]
- ASCII IPA in square-brackets is a phoneTic
transcription, which gives a close-up view of the sounds
involved. It shows even the "trivial" articulatory
features that aren't used to distinguish words from one another -
necessary because languages vary in their opinions about what
counts as trivial and what sounds form natural sets. See
Evan Kirshenbaum's
definitive
guide to this particular scheme for converting the
International Phonetic Alphabet into a net-portable 7-bit
form.
- Phonemic transcriptions:
/'sampl-/
- ASCII IPA in slant-brackets is a phoneMic
transcription, a subtly but significantly different form of
notation which spells things out in terms of the mutually
contrastive sound "building-blocks" of a particular
language and ignores the irrelevant details. Compare
my own key to my pronunciation of English
(though that accent isn't directly relevant here).
Bored already? If you can't be bothered with all this you
can always just take my word for it and skip to the
end where I give examples of the final result. Otherwise
here are definitions of a few phonological terms I'll be using to
get there:
- Voiced/Voiceless
- Pronounced with or without vibration of the vocal cords.
This effect provides the glottal humming component that
distinguishes (for instance) voiced "V" from voiceless
"F" or voiced "G" from voiceless
"K".
- Vowel/Consonant
- I'm not talking letters here - there are many more than
five vowels! In phonological terms, vowels are the sounds
made up of little-modified bursts of voiced airflow (like
"AH"), while consonants involve marked narrowing (or
temporary closure, as in "T") of the vocal tract.
- Stop/Fricative/Approximant
- Degrees of interference in the flow of air. Stops like
"K" or "N" interrupt the escape of air through
the mouth, fricatives like "Z" make the flow turbulent,
and approximants like "W" only modify it slightly.
- Nasal/Oral
- Nasal sounds allow air to escape continuously through the nose,
while oral sounds don't - compare nasal "M" and its
oral twin "B". The same can also happen in vowels,
though that's never distinctive in twenty-first-century
English.
- Obstruent/Sonorant
- This is another way of dividing up the consonants: fricatives
and oral stops ("Z", "D", "CH" etc),
which involve serious constriction, are grouped together as
"obstruents", while the highly resonant approximants and
nasal stops ("M", "L", "W" etc) are
"sonorants".
- Syllabic/Nonsyllabic
- A syllabic sound is one that forms the main peak of a
syllable. This isn't quite the same as
"vowel/consonant", since vowels (or at least
semivowels) can be nonsyllabic, and consonants (or at least
sonorants) can be syllabic; examples include the initial
"W" and final "L"-sounds in
<waddle>.
- Stressed/Unstressed
- The most prominent syllable in a word is said to be stressed;
other syllables may have some lesser degree of stress or none at
all. The acoustic property involved is a combination of
volume, pitch and duration.
- Rounded/Unrounded
- Rounded vowels are pronounced with the lips in position as for
an "OO" sound (or maybe only an "OH" sound);
unrounded ones aren't.
- Fronting/Centring/Backing
- These terms describe modifications in the position of (the
highest point of) the tongue for a vowel; "EH" is a
"front" vowel, "OH" is a "back"
one.
- Raising/Lowering
- ...And these describe the other dimension: "AY" is a
half-close vowel, pronounced with the tongue quite high in the
mouth; raising it gets you the close vowel "EE", while
lowering it results in half-open "EH" then fully open
"A".
- Onset/Nucleus/Coda
- The "nucleus" of a syllable is its main syllabic
element (i.e. the vowel, usually); any sounds that come before the
nucleus are the "onset", and any that come after are the
"coda".
The last thing I ought to say before I switch from
"documentary" mode to "speculative fiction" mode
is this: if you aren't familiar with Comparative Reconstruction then
my predicted sound changes are bound to seem wildly unlikely.
If I'd shown Julius Caesar a schedule of the changes that were to
turn Latin into Italian ("PS: beware the Ides of March")
he wouldn't have believed a word of it either. And yet
languages really do behave this way, with "mutations" in
the system of sounds adding up to new accents, new languages, new
family trees of descendant tongues... witness this Wikipedia entry
on one big-name sound change,
Grimm's
Law.
EARLY AMERICAN - 2100 AD
I'm using a gerrymandered starting point here: the phonology
described below isn't that of a major present-day US accent
(although it is close enough for plausibility - close enough
indeed that this section is essentially a summary of existing
trends). Instead it's just one of the accents that will
be current in a century or so: the one that happens to be ancestral
to the thirty-first-century language.
- Assimilation In Syllable-Onset
- Any syllable-onset /t/, /d/ or
/s t/ with a following /r/ undergoes
assimilation (that is, features of one sound bleed over into the
other); the results are the clusters [tSr<o>],
[dZr], [stSr<o>].
- Post-Stress Voicing
- There is a well-established phonetic trend towards the voicing
of any lone obstruent that closes a stressed syllable: e.g.
<pick> is pronounced [pIg] (note: the
compound phoneme /tS/ as in <church> counts
for this rule as a single sound). However, the words
<pick> and <pig> are still
distinct - see below on vowel breaking.
- Intervocalic Flapping
- As a special case, /d/ or /t/ between
stressed and unstressed syllables (perhaps with a preceding
sonorant) is phonetically a flap, [*] - a sound many
languages treat as a form of /r/. Thus for instance
<bitty> is pronounced ['bI*i]. This
"flapping" context never triggers vowel breaking -
<bitty> and <biddy> are pronounced
identically.
- Nasalisation
- Nasal consonants in the coda of a stressed syllable drop out in
favour of nasalisation of the vowel; e.g. <bond> is
pronounced [bA~d]. Immediately following stops may
also be nasalised (thus [bA~n]).
- Cluster Simplification
- Meanwhile, /ld/ not followed by a vowel becomes
/l/ (so <build> is now simply
/bIl/); /nd/ in unstressed contexts simplifies
similarly (thus <England> becomes
/'INgl@n/).
- Unstressed Vowel Loss
- Unstressed syllables may be lost immediately before or after
stress; e.g. <abominable> turns into
<'bom'nable>. Unstressed /i/,
/u/ tend to become nonsyllabic (turning into the
approximants /j/, /w/), and other unstressed
vowels reduce towards the "schwa" /@/.
- Vowel Mergers
- Neutralisations (the technical name given to the blurring of
phonemic distinctions) are widespread before sonorants -
fewer vowels are distinguished before /m/, /n/,
/N/, /l/, /w/, /j/, or
especially /r/. See below for details.
- Stressed Vowel Breaking
- Stressed vowels begin to undergo a process called
"breaking" before (phonemically) voiced obstruents,
becoming generally longer and more lax; thus for instance
<pick> is [pIg] while <pig> is
[pII"g]. See below for details.
- /i/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <beer, beam, bean>
and <peel> = <pill> (a recent
merger)
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <beat>,
[i]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bead>,
[ii"]
- /I/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <bring>,
<pin>, <him>, where it is
indistinguishable from /E/ as in <pen>,
<hem>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bit>,
[I]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bid>,
[II"]
- /e/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <Mary> =
<merry> = <marry> and in <bale,
bane, blame, bang> (n.b. that last is /beN/, not
/b&N/)
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bait>,
[e]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bayed>,
[ee"]
- /E/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <bell> (and see above
on <pen>)
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bet>,
[E]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bed>,
[EE"]
- /&/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <pal, ban, bam>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bat>,
[&]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bad>, [ea]
- /A/ (Already to British ears a triple merger of
<ah/aw/o>)
- Occurs before a sonorant in <bar, borrow, ball, pawn,
bomb, bong>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bot>,
[A]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bod>,
[A@]
- /o/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <for> =
<fore> and in <bowl, bone, foam>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <boat>,
[o]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bode>,
[oO]
- /@/
- Only occurs unstressed (never a breaking context), e.g. initial
in <about>; for unstressed syllables involving
sonorants see below on "Syllabic Consonants".
- /V/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <bulk, bun, bum,
bung>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <but>,
[V"]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <bud>,
[V@]
- /U/ (phonetically quite fronted)
- Occurs before a sonorant only as a variant form of syllabic
/R/ or /L/ - see below on
"Syllabic Consonants".
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <put>,
[U]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <good>,
[UU"]
- /u/ (also phonetically fronted)
- Occurs before a sonorant in <pool, boon, boom>
and <woman> (a recent shift from /Um/)
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <boot>,
[u]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <food>,
[uu"]
- /OI/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <coin>; however,
<boil> is a disyllable, [OI L-]
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <quoit>,
[OI]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <void>,
[oE]
- /au/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <prowl, brown>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bout>,
[au]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <proud>, it tends
towards [a@], becoming indistinguishable from
/ai/ as in <pride>
- /ai/
- Occurs before a sonorant in <bile, mime,
brine>
- In a non-breaking context, e.g. <bite>,
[ai]
- In a breaking context, e.g. <pride>, it tends
towards [a@], becoming indistinguishable from
/au/ as in <proud>
- Syllabic Consonants
- The distinctive syllabic /R/ in words like
<fury, poor, murderer> can function as a stressed
vowel, varying from a merely "tongue-bunched"
[U<r>] or [@<r>] to a full
[r<vel>-].
- Likewise the syllabic /L/ that occurs in
<pullable> first as [UL] and then as
[L-].
- The nasals /m-/ and /n-/ can also occur as
syllabics as in <Adam, Eden>, but are always
unstressed.
MIDDLE AMERICAN - 2400 AD
By this time the language has fallen out of fashion; the phonemic
analysis given here is the one used retrospectively in the
subsequent "Classical" period. The vocabulary
shrinks and is later restocked with borrowings, but many of them are
returns, and the basic core of the language remains Germanic.
- Lone Consonants in Syllable-Coda
- Most significantly, the post-stress voicing effect becomes
phonemic: <pick> is now /pig/, while
<pig> is /piag/ (see below on
vowel-breaking).
- The rule that converts both /d/ and /t/ to
the flap [*] persists, making the two indistinguishable
in that context (sandwiched between a stressed and an unstressed
syllable).
- Clusters in Syllable-Coda
- Any obstruent forming a cluster with an /s/ or
/z/ is lost; thus <six> becomes
/sis/ (but is not voiced to /siz/).
- Clusters in Syllable-Onset
- The sequences /tr/, /dr/ and /str/
become /tS r/, /dZ r/, /Sr/,
while /Tr/ as in <three> shifts to become a
new /tr/.
- The sequences /tS j/ or /tj/ (including
such sequences created by vowel-breaking - see below) become
/tS/; /Sj/ or /sj/ become /S/;
and likewise for /dZj/ and /Zj/.
- After any obstruent, former /w/ (but not new
/w/ resulting from vowel-breaking) becomes /v/;
thus <quit> becomes /kvid/.
- Nasalisation
- Where a stressed or semi-stressed vowel is followed by a nasal
consonant without a following vowel, the nasal is pronounced only
as a modification of the vowel. In clusters, /mb/
becomes /mm/, or simple /m/ where there's a
following vowel - i.e., [~m].
- Meanwhile /mp/ becomes /mb/ (i.e.
[~b]), even outside stressed syllables.
- Equivalent changes happen to /nd/, /nt/,
/Ng/ and /Nk/. For (former) /nt/
the situation is complicated by the fact that /nd/ may be
flapped as [~*].
- The Great Vowel Breaking
- There is a major reorganisation and reanalysis of
"broken" vowels as sequences, converting what used to be
a feature of the following consonants into a pattern of new
distinctions within the vowel inventory.
- Note throughout that vowels that "want" to gain a
preceding or following /w/ or /j/ don't if one
is already there; <weed> becomes /wid/, not
/wjid/. Preceding /r/ or /l/ has
the same effect (<reed> breaks to /rid/),
but /h/ gives way itself (<heed> breaks to
/jid/).
- /i/
- Unbroken /i/ syllable-finally or before /r/,
/l/ or a nasal (<bee, beer, bill, peel, bean,
beam>) is unchanged
- Otherwise, unbroken former /i/ (<beat>)
becomes /i j/
- Broken former /i/ (<bead>) becomes
/j i/
- Unbroken former /I/ (<bit>) becomes
/i/
- Broken former /I/ (<bid>) becomes
/i a/
- /e/
- Unbroken former /e/ syllable-finally or before
/r/ (<bay, bear>) is unchanged; before
/l/ or a nasal (<bale, bane, blame, bang>)
it becomes /j e/
- Otherwise, unbroken former /e/ (<bait>)
becomes /e j/
- Broken former /e/ (<bayed>) becomes
/j e/ - note that /j e/ is also a
possible broken form for former /&/ (see /a/
below)
- Unbroken former /E/ (<bet, bell>)
becomes /e/, which also absorbs former nasal /I/
(<him, pen, bring>)
- Broken former /E/ becomes /e a/
(<bed>)
- Broken former /OI/ (<void>) becomes
/w e/
- /a/ (ranging phonetically from [&] to
[@])
- Unbroken former /au/ before a sonorant
(<bounce, brown>) becomes the disyllable
/a o/
- Otherwise, unbroken former /au/
(<bout>) becomes /a w/
- Unbroken former /ai/ before a sonorant (<pint,
brine>) becomes the disyllable /a e/
- Otherwise, unbroken former /ai/
(<bite>) becomes /a j/
- Broken former /au/ or /ai/ (<proud,
pride>) becomes /a a/
- Unbroken former /&/ (<bat, ban>)
becomes /a/, except after /k/ or /g/
(<cap>) when it becomes /j a/
- Broken former /&/ (<bad>) becomes
/j a/, except after /k/ or /g/
(<cab>) when it becomes /j e/
- Former /@/ generally merges with unstressed
/a/ (and see /an/ below under "Syllabic
Consonants")
- /A/
- Unbroken /A/ (<paw, bot, bar, ball,
bomb>) is unchanged
- Broken former /A/ (<bod>) becomes
/A a/
- Former word-final /@/ (e.g. the end of
<beta>) merges with unstressed /A/
- /V/ (phonetically [V"])
- Unbroken /V/ (<but, bun>) is
unchanged
- Broken former /V/ (<bud>) becomes
/V a/
- /o/
- Unbroken /o/ (<blow, boat, bore, bone>)
is unchanged
- Broken former /o/ (<bode>) becomes
/w o/
- Unbroken former /OI/ before a sonorant
(<coin>) becomes the disyllable
/o e/
- Otherwise, unbroken former /OI/ (<quoit>)
becomes /o j/
- /u/ (phonetically, strongly fronted
[u"])
- Unbroken /u/ syllable-finally or before sonorants
(<blue, pool, boon>) is unchanged
- Otherwise, unbroken former /u/ (<boot>)
becomes /u w/
- Broken former /u/ (<food>) becomes
/w u/
- Unbroken former /U/ (<put>) becomes
/u/
- Broken former /U/ (<good>) becomes
/u a/
- Syllabic Consonants
- Unbroken /R/ and /L/ (<pert, fur,
wolf, full>) become /ur/, /ul/ - or
/Rr/, /Ll/ where followed by a vowel
(<furry, fully>)
- Broken /R/ and /L/ (<bird,
bulls>) are unchanged.
- Note that the above syllabic forms, along with syllable-coda
/r/ and /l/ (but not the syllable-onset forms),
are pronounced at the back of the mouth.
- Former syllabic nasals /m-/ and /n-/ are
reanalysed as the sequences /am/, /an/ (never
stressed as [a~])
CLASSICAL AMERICAN - 2700 AD
Contrary to the impression you'd get from a detailed account of
the chaos the spelling system goes through early in this stage, the
Classical period happens to be one of relative stability in the
development of the language as a whole, and one that Late American
speakers continue to regard as a formal standard.
- Stress Shift
- Nouns (and to a lesser extent other word-classes, though not
verbs) tend towards regular initial-syllable stress; thus for
instance <millennium> shifts from
/ma 'len jam/ to
/'ma lan jam/.
- Interdental Loss
- The phonemes /T/, /D/ (as in
<thigh>, <thy>), long gone in related
dialects, finally vanish in American, merging with /t/
and /d/ respectively.
- Secondary Split
- The above changes undermine the rule that used to explain the
distribution of the [*] sound. It used to be a
post-stress variant of /d/, but now occurs where stress
has vanished, and fails to occur where the /d/ was
formerly /D/; so it's left as a short-lived /*/
phoneme in its own right.
- Affricate Loss
- The phonemes /tS/, /dZ/ are lost, simplifying
to /S/, /Z/. This happens in onset and
coda, including nasal contexts (e.g. <inch>:
/EnZ/). The "shibilants" /S/ and
/Z/ also undergo a phonetic shift towards [s.],
[z.] (technically, dorsal palatals, like Mandarin Chinese
<sh>)
- Aspiration
- The voiceless stops /p/, /t/ and /k/
become increasingly strongly aspirated (phonetically
[p<h>] etc) except after /s/ (or
/S/); the phoneme /h/ itself is lost unless
preceded by a vowel, where it becomes a voiced approximant
articulated almost anywhere from the soft palate back (still
labelled /h/ here).
- Syllable-Coda Clusters
- The nasal /N/, now uncommon, loses its phonemic
status; <bang>, formerly /beN/, is now
interpreted as ending in a nasalising /n/ which has
assimilated in place of articulation to an otherwise silent
/g/ - /bEng/, pronounced
[b&~N].
- Remaining consonant clusters are reduced; where there are two
obstruents in the coda, the second tends to be dropped
(<apt> becomes /ap/); but between vowels,
/pt/ or /kt/ become /tt/.
- Syllabic Consonants
- Syllabic /R/ and /L/ are lost (see below);
syllabic nasals are still equivalent to unstressed /an/,
/am/.
- Rhotic Split
- Former syllable-coda /r/ becomes /h/ in
inherited American vocabulary, while new loanwords use
/r/ - thus <beer> has become
/bih/ while the equivalent Brazilian import is
/bir/.
- Former syllabic /R/ always becomes /yh/;
syllable-onset /r/ remains unchanged.
- Lateral Vocalisation
- Former syllable-coda /l/ is lost: /il/
becomes /iw/, /el/ becomes /Ew/,
/al/ becomes /aw/, /Al/ becomes
/Aw/ (pronounced [Ow]), and /Vl/,
/ol/ or /ul/ becomes /o/.
- Former syllabic /L/ also becomes /o/.
- Vowel Shifts
- Except before /l/ as noted above, former /u/
becomes /y/ (though this is still never a fully fronted
[y]).
- Former /e/ becomes /E/.
- Former /V/ is lost, merging with /a/;
however, in the case of the common sequence /Va/, an
intrusive /h/ is inserted and the unstressed vowel then
drops out - thus /bVad/ (<bud>) becomes
/bahad/ and subsequently /bahd/.
- Nasal Vowels
- By the late Classical period the nasal vowels are more or less
separate phonemes in their own right; phonetically they tend to be
more open than their oral counterparts, with /i~/
becoming [e~], /E~/ becoming [&~],
/o~/ becoming [O~], and /y~/ becoming
[Y"~].
LATE AMERICAN - 3000 AD
The language represented by the examples in the final
section. By this point the Great Wheel of Morphology has come
round from a thoroughly analytic to an increasingly agglutinative
grammar, but there isn't room here to cover the complexities of Late
American verb declensions.
- Stop Affrication
- Voiceless stops /p/, /t/, /k/ tend
to be affricated as [pP], [ts], [kx]
when they occur immediately before a stressed vowel.
- On the other hand, stops after /s/ (or /S/)
are unaspirated, and thus come to be regarded as voiced; former
/sp/ becomes /sb/, /st/ becomes
/sd/, and /sk/ becomes /sg/.
- Aspirate Shift
- The voiced /h/ settles down phonetically as a uvular
approximant, [j"] (a sort of gentle
"ugh" at the very back of the mouth). When
/k/ or /g/ come in contact with it they
themselves become uvular ([q], [G]) and the
/h/ may approach a gargled "French
<r>" sound.
- Flap Loss
- The flap phoneme /*/ is lost, turning into
/r/ before an /a/ or /y/, and simply
disappearing elsewhere.
- Coda Approximant Loss
- Syllable-coda /j/ tends to be lost or moved.
First, /js/ or /jS/ assimilate to /S/
and /jz/ or /jZ/ to /Z/; then
/j/ tends to switch places with a following consonant
(e.g. /jg/ becomes /gj/), even when that
consonant is preceded by a nasal and/or followed by /r/
or /l/ (/jgr/ becomes /grj/); however
this switching (or "metathesis") does not occur with
heavier consonant clusters or word-finally. Remaining cases
of /aj/ become /E/; otherwise the /j/
is just dropped.
- Syllable-coda /w/ behaves similarly. First,
/wn/ assimilates to /m/ (and /wnd/ to
/mb/); then /w/ undergoes the same kind of
metathesis as /j/ (e.g. /wgl/ becomes
/glw/). Remaining cases of /aw/ become
/O/; otherwise the /w/ is dropped.
- Syllable-coda /h/ is slightly different, in that it
may assimilate to a following sonorant: /hl/ becomes
/ll/ before a vowel, /l/ otherwise, and
/hr/ likewise becomes either /rr/ or
/r/. In /hw/ and /hj/ the
/h/ is always dropped, and the same happens with
/hn/ or /hm/ if the nasals have not themselves
been lost to nasalisation. Elsewhere, metathesis occurs but
is more easily blocked - non-final /hg/ may become
/gh/, but /hgr/ or /hgl/ is
unchanged. Leftovers keep the /h/, which lowers
preceding vowels just like a nasal (so /i/ before
/h/ is [e], /y/ is [Y"],
/u/ is [o]).
- Nasal Neutralisation
- The distinction between (e.g.) former <bean> and
<beam> is lost. It was already blurred, since
both are pronounced in isolation as [be~], but when the
word is immediately followed by a syllabic sound as in
<beam of light>, which used to revive the final nasal
consonant, it now always inserts the same one - thus
[be~n@lEd].
- Syllabic nasals are unaffected, though being unstressed they do
tend to reduce to plain /n/ or /m/ alongside a
vowel. Stops nasalised as a side-effect of a preceding nasal
vowel also escape the neutralisation: /brE~g/
(<bring>) is still pronounced [br&~N],
not [br&~n].
- Back Vowel Raising
- Former /A/ becomes /O/ (weakly rounded if at
all); former /o/ becomes /u/. Note that as
a result American at last has a more-or-less evenly spaced vowel
inventory: front /i/ and /E/, central
/y/ and /a/, and back /u/ and
/O/ (plus their nasal equivalents).
EXAMPLES - Words And Phrases
The examples given below are selected largely on the basis of
semantic stability; there's no point using a word like
"computer", which means different things from century to
century. It also simplifies things to start with nouns, which
have no confusingly mutable inflected forms. The spellings
used are the closest transliteration I can manage within the
limitations of a twenty-first century characterset; fortunately by
the thirty-first century storing information as strings of written
words is something of a fossil handicraft anyway (much like
calligraphy in the present day), so an "anachronistic"
font is as good as any.
If you're wondering about the leading asterisks, those are a
slightly warped application of the convention used for
"real" reconstructed languages like Proto-Indo-European,
where the star in front of *oinom is a warning that it's an
unattested "best guess" at the PIE for "one"
arrived at by deducing the sound-change rules that separate it from
modern languages.
- American language > *myeghan lengvaj
- Early American /'merkn- 'leNgw@dZ/
- Middle American /'mjergan 'leNgvadZ/
- Classical American /'mjEhgan 'lEngvaZ/
- Late American /'mjEghan 'lE~gvaZ/
- Pronounced: ['mjEGg"n- 'l&~Nv@z.], i.e.
"MYEGrhnn LANGvuzh"
- George Washington > *Jwohj-wAjandan
- Early American /dZordZ 'wAS@Ntn-/
- Middle American /dZwordZ 'wAZandan/
- Classical American /ZwohZ 'wAZandan/
- Late American /ZwuhZ 'wOZandan/
- Pronounced: [z.woj"z. 'wOzn-dn-], i.e.
"zhwohghzh WAWZH'n'dnn"
- Abraham Lincoln > *Yebraham-lengan
- Early American /'ebr@h&m 'lINkn-/
- Middle American /'jebraham 'leNgan/
- Classical American /'jEbraham 'lEngan/
- Late American /'jEbraham 'lE~gan/
- Pronounced: ['jEbr@j"m- 'l&~Nn-], i.e.
"YEB-rugh'm LANG'n"
- William Shakespeare > *Wiyam-xexbih
- Early American /'wilj@m 'Sekspir/
- Middle American /'wiljam 'Sejspir/
- Classical American /'wiwjam 'SEjspih/
- Late American /'wijam 'SESbih/
- Pronounced: ['wijm- 's.Es.pej"], i.e.
"WEE-ymm SHESHpaygh"
- red, white, blue > *read, *wed, *blu
- Early American /rEd wait blu/
- Middle American /'read wajd blu/
- Classical American /'rEad wajd bly/
- Late American /'rEad wEd bly/
- Pronounced: ['rE@d wEd bly"], i.e. "REH-ud
wed blü"
- one, two, three, four, five > *wan, *tu, *tri, *foh,
*faav
- Early American /wVn tu Tri for faIv/
- Middle American /wVn tu tri for faav/
- Classical American /wan ty tri foh 'faav/
- Late American /wa~ ty tri fuh 'faav/
- Pronounced: [wa.~ tsy" tr<o>i foj"
'fa"@v], i.e. "wu(ng) tsü tree fohgh
FUH-uv"
- six, seven, eight, nine, ten > *sis, *seavam, *ed,
*naen, *ten
- Early American /sIks 'sEvn- et nain tIn/
- Middle American /sis 'seavan ejd 'naen ten/
- Classical American /sis 'sEavan Ejd 'naEn tEn/
- Late American /sis 'sEavam Ed 'na~E~ tE~/
- Pronounced: [sis 'sE@Bm- Ed 'na"~&~
ts&~], i.e. "cease SEH-uv'm ed NUH-a(ng)
tsa(ng)"
- California, Texas > *KyafwonyA, *Tesas
- Early American /,k&l@'fornj@ 'tEks@s/
- Middle American /,kjal'fornjA 'tesas/
- Classical American /'kjawfohnjA 'tEsas/
- Late American /'kjafwu~jO 'tEsas/
- Pronounced: [kj<o>afw<o>o~jO tsEs@s], i.e.
"KYUFFwoh(ng)-yaw TSESSuss"
- Mercury, Venus > *Muhgyurri, *Vinas
- Early American /'mRkjRri 'vin@s/
- Middle American /'murgjRri 'vinas/
- Classical American /'myhgjyhri 'vinas/
- Late American /'myhgjyrri 'vinas/
- Pronounced: ['mY"g"Gjy"rri 'vin@s],
i.e. "MÖRHGyürrree VEEnus"
- Earth, Mars > *Uhd, *MAahz
- Early American /RT mArz/
- Middle American /urD 'mAarz/
- Classical American /yhd 'mOahz/
- Late American /yhd 'mOahz/
- Pronounced: [Y"j"d 'mO@j"z], i.e.
"öghd MAW-ughz"
- Jupiter, Saturn > *Jubwatuh, *Sarun
- Early American /'dZup@tR 's&tRn/
- Middle American /'dZuwbatur 'sadurn/
- Classical American /'Zywbatyh 'sa*yhn/
- Late American /'Zybwatyh 'sary~/
- Pronounced: ['z.y"bw@tY"j"
'sarY"~], i.e. "ZHÜBwatögh
SUH-rö(ng)"
- Uranus, Neptune > *Yurranas, *Nettun
- Early American /'jRr@n@s 'nEptun/
- Middle American /'jRranas 'neptun/
- Classical American /'jyhranas 'nEttyn/
- Late American /'jyrranas 'nEtty~/
- Pronounced: ['jY"rr@n@s 'nEttY"~], i.e.
"YÜRrranas NET-tö(ng)"
The rough pronunciation guides above have deliberately not been
made too simple - that would risk leaving readers with
the impression that Futurese was just a lazy, garbled version of
Presentdayese. In particular those umlauts should serve to
remind readers that our successors will have different ideas about
what sounds are "basic" and "easy", and which
are "subtle" and "exotic".
And finally: to give an impression of how much else has been
going on besides regular sound-changes, here's a Late American
rendition of the Colloquy of Aelfric (as seen
previously), followed by a word-by-word
analysis. 3000 AD American has metamorphosed into
something that is clearly a new language, yet recognisably a
descendant of English - sentences even have a familiar
stress-timed rhythm.
| 2000 AD: |
We children beg you, teacher, that you should teach us to
speak correctly, because we are ignorant and we speak
corruptly... |
| 3000 AD: |
*ZA kiad w'-exùn ya tijuh,
da ya-gAr'-eduketan zA da
wa-tAgan lidla, kaz 'ban iagnaran an
wa-tAg kurrap... |
- *zA, pronounced "zaw"
- "Us-all", analogous in form to the second- and
third-person *yA, *dA.
- *kiad, pronounced "KKHEE-ud"
- "Kid", obviously enough.
- *w'-exùn, pronounced
"weSHÖ(NG)"
- Pronominal prefix ("we") and finite verb-stem; a
twenty-fifth century slang term, origin unclear.
- *ya, pronounced "yuh"
- "You", singular.
- *tijuh, pronounced "TEEZH-ögh"
- From "teacher", now restricted to meaning
specifically a language-instructor.
- *da, pronounced "duh"
- "That", as a subordinating conjunction.
- *ya-gAr'-eduketan, pronounced
"yagaw-RED-üket'n"
- Pronominal prefix, auxiliary prefix (from "gotta")
and nonfinite verb ("educate" - note the preserved
form).
- *wa-tAgan, pronounced
"wuh-TSAWG'n"
- "Talk"; pronominal prefix and nonfinite verb.
- *lidla, pronounced "LEEDla"
- A back-loan from Central Hindi, where English "legal"
developed the specialised sense "linguistically
well-formed".
- *kaz, pronounced "kkhuzz"
- Conjunction, "because".
- *'ban, pronounced "bnn" (unstressed)
- Irregular particle derived from the verb "be".
- *iagnaran, pronounced "EEugnurr'n"
- Regularly derived from "ignorant".
- *an, (still) pronounced "'n"
- The coordinating conjunction "and".
- *wa-tAg, pronounced
"wuh-TSAWG"
- As in the previous clause, but this time in the
positive-indicative form.
- *kurrap, pronounced "KKHÜRrrup"
- Regularly derived from "corrupt".